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A proof that Jair Bolsonaro understands the strength of the militant right is the fact that he chose for his ministry names suggested by the philosopher
Olavo de Carvalho and Jair Bolsonaro: the philosopher gave the president elected a corrosive spontaneous militancy and criticism left | The leftist discourse is so strong because it contains the "truth" of those who speak for the sake of humanity – from the search for a just society to the "elect" (Marxism is the only one in the world). one of the first secular religions of history), the proletarians – which virtually stifles other discourses. One has the impression that the right speech is troglodyte and deserves collective stigma. Therefore, even if there are thinkers from all over the world, the right ends up hiding, so to speak.
For years, the economist Roberto Campos, of a vast culture and indomitable courage, wrote and polemised, almost alone. , with leftists, who called him Bob Fields, suggesting he was a "capitulant" – which, of course, was not. To strip the liberals of capitulants was a way to disqualify them and, of course, to remove them from debate. When socialism collapsed, with the fall of the Berlin Wall in 1989 and the end of the Soviet Union in 1991, feeling vengeful, the Minister of Planning Government of Castello Branco said that 39, he should call Robarchev. He was right. For he said decades ago that the ideologues of socialism, if they considered themselves to be faithful interpreters of capitalism, did not know how to make an alternative economy work. As a mode of production, socialism should be superior to capitalism, according to Marxist-Leninist theory, but in terms of production and productivity, it was inferior or even inferior.
Roberto Campos: Bob Fields Became Robarchev for a More Accurate Understanding of Historical Facts and the Economy | Photo: reproduction
Like Roberto Campos, José Guilherme Merquior, more philosopher than sociologist, confronted without fear the samba of a left note. He has written controversial essays and articles for newspapers. When he denounced an alleged plagiarism of the philosopher Marilena Chaui, the academic caste thundered. Merquior, a career diplomat, would be a "henchman" of the dictatorship, a "head of state," they continued. As if Marilena Chaui, professor at the USP, was not a servant of the state. Instead of badessing the merits, the fact that the philosopher copied a book of the French philosopher Claude Lefort – ordered to defend it, allies created a kind of "affiliation of thought" – hopes tried to disqualify him.
José Guilherme Merquior: a liberal philosopher who knew little Marxist thought | Photo: Reproduction
One of the problems of the left with Merquior is that even though he was not a traveling companion, he knew Marxism far better than many of his epigones. Like the French philosopher Raymond Aron, the Brazilian philosopher only dealt with the instrument provided by Karl Marx and Lenin, although he was an expert in liberalism and rather in literature (he had notably studied Carlos Drummond de Andrade). Unfortunately, he died still young, at 49 years old. His work, which has been revived, is of a vitality that impresses.
Fertilization of the right patropi
Post-Roberto Campos and Merquior – unlike the first, the second made a direct criticism, without penetrating into a corrosive atmosphere – the right, for a time, if not disappeared, seemed disjointed . The philosopher Olavo de Carvalho
More controversial than Roberto Campos and Merquior, Olavo de Carvalho does not shrink from any debate. He shares discussions with academics and even verbal forces like he's a Kimbo Slice-style street fighter. He never escapes a fight and sometimes uses insolent nonsense. His less respected critics say that he is an astrologer rather than a philosopher. This is a way to try to mitigate the impact of their ideas.
Beyond the sometimes rude polemist – the rudeness of the left is subtle and therefore ultimately accepted (and when one speaks in the name of the salvation of humanity, of equality for all, one can kill up to 100 million people, what Stalin and Mao Tse-tung did in the Soviet Union and China – is there a coherent philosopher? Few academics have bothered to do it. to examine the books Ruy Fausto, Marxist philosopher, Ricardo Musse, qualified Marxist philosopher, and Joel Pinheiro da Fonseca, economist and master of philosophy, are among the few that are the strongest – and not the kind of guides of the militants. Joel Pinheiro da Fonseca proposes to examine the thought of the author of the book, which is found in the "Folha de S. Paulo", in short and sparsely packed articles .. Olavo de Car J & # 39; to indicate their supposed exaggerations, but at least the master of philosophy demonstrates some knowledge the ideas of the right-wing philosopher.
If the work of Olavo de Carvalho begins to be examined, even if it is done under an ideological party, there is an aspect that is sometimes neglected. Roberto Campos and Merquior have readers and admirers, but they have not had followers. They were strategists of an army of one man. Therefore, they were not ideologues of any movement.
In contrast, Olavo de Carvalho, in addition to criticizing the thought and action of the left, created with his courts and his books a legion of admirers and, especially, of disciples. The philosopher "gave" to patropi not just a new ideology. This gave him followers, creating a kind of movement or movement that, although he does not have an official name, won social networks and blogs. If there was a philosophical right almost suffocated by the omnipresence of the leftist expert who occupied spaces in newspapers, magazines and university posts, there would be no right militant, at least not intensely. Olavo de Carvalho "recast" the right, leaving room for other intellectuals to express their thoughts and not to be let go.
Olavo de Carvalho gave way to intellectuals like Denis Lerrer Rosenfield, Luiz Felipe Pondé and (Portuguese) João Pereira Coutinho. The four are not part of a fraternity of the right, they do not see themselves as activists of a movement, but they are more and more read and accepted with the "public" right created by Olavo of Carvalho as philosophical leader, and yes, politician. Olavo de Carvalho is the fertilizer of the Brazilian right.
Courses, debates and closed criticism to Marxism and the left tropiniquim, olavo-boys and olavo-girls became the lords of social networks and street. The left, who had no opponents, won a radicalized opponent with insightful and intimidating speech. This is not an army of mercenaries, but a spontaneous army (only the left had spontaneous militants, usually from the university) – which mixes secularity (less) with religiosity (more), creating a new syncretism in the country. In other words, the right has gained a "movement", or rather "movements".
The ideas of the right are imposed on the streets
The elected president of Brazil, Jair Bolsonaro, already existed politically before Olavo de Carvalho and his followers. Member of Parliament, he professed conservative ideas, but without philosophical coherence (to date, it is not consistent in terms of ideas). Therefore, one can not make invent or reinvent the philosopher. What can be said is that it has, directly or indirectly, created a spontaneous group – a part of the left does not accept this, because, basically, it loses its spontaneous army, mainly after the theft of the PT of Lula da Silva and José Dirceu – both facing the left and professing the ideas of the right.
The line stated by Olavo de Carvalho ended up "attracting" a religious right – which reinforced Bolsonaro and his conservative speech (it is nevertheless curious that there is a mix between conservatism and liberalism in Bolsonaro, which is likely to become explosive in the future.In general, liberals are open to questions of behavior, for example). At the same time, there is a philosophical right. The "clbad" of Olavo de Carvalho "roars" well, in the confrontation with the left, and debates, with a certain quality, with his adversaries and even between them. There are even those who started as "olavetes" – as they are called by a certain left – and who have gained autonomy and philosophical coherence.
The right "founded" by Olavo de Carvalho studies, criticizes and participates. That's the news. Before, he did not participate in anything, perhaps for fear of the destructive force of the left. The courses and books of the philosopher helped to give a speech to the new right, which made possible the confrontation with the left. This, in terms of activism, was unbeatable. This is no longer.
As Olavo de Carvalho created an antibody against the left – drawn from an Internet course or read texts and books – and contributed to the right to nominate a candidate for the presidential election consistently, the problems are few examined. Because the cause of Bolsonaro's victory and the rise and consolidation of the philosopher's ideas have been sought only in the fragility and ruin of the PT. As there are prejudices against Olavo de Carvalho, his ideas are not examined with the greatest attention by his fighters. Anyone who really wants to confront him with intelligence and wit must study, with determination and without prejudice, the way in which his ideas "produced" an impressive militant right.
There is a new law in Brazil, but contrary to what the press says, it is not simply an intellectual right. There is an activist right, that is, the head, the body and the limbs. Bolsonaro is largely the fruit of it. By welcoming Olavo de Carvalho into his ministry, the elected president perceives, more than the left, what has really happened and is happening in Brazil. The right, who dared not pronounce his name, now says it without shame and without fear. His aggressiveness scares the left because, although very aggressive, he had no competitor in this area. Beyond the ideas, the left won an opponent in terms of activism and, in 2018, lost the battle. The right became stronger not only because of the fragility of the left of the PT and the PC of B – the ghost that guides it – but also because it acquired an badimilable philosophy, a leader (Olavo de Carvalho and, in politics, Bolsonaro) and activism. The right-hand force is internal and not necessarily external (the reversal of Ptolematical).
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